Daniel: Notes and Sources

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1 the third year. Taken at face value this would seem to indicate a siege of Jerusalem in 606, but historical sources record no such attack (Seow, p. 5). The book of Daniel, a composition finished in the second in or very near 164 BCE, is naturally fuzzier about details of in the remote past, but becomes much more historically accurate as one approaches its date of composition.

2 Lord. The term here is literally Adonai, and not the tetragrammaton.

21 first year of king Cyrus. Taken at face value, this would indicate that Daniel, a young man in 606, was still alive 67 years later, when Cyrus came to power in 539. This sort of lifespan, while not impossible, might be explained by a compression of the historical timeline in the mind of the author. Historically, Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son Amel-Marduk, who was succeeded by the general Neriglissar, followed briefly by Neriglissar's son Labashi-Marduk. He was followed by Nabonidus, and during the later part of Nabonidus' reign the affairs state were managed by his son regent Belshazzar. Belshazzar, then, is succeeded by Cyrus, who conquers the Babylonian Empire.

In the book of Daniel's telling, Nebuchadnezzar features prominently, and then the next king mentioned in Belshazzar, who is portrayed as Nebuchadnezzar's son. While the book of Daniel does not develop anything like a complete internal chronology, perhaps the book of Daniel's Nebuchadnezzar-Belshazzar-Darius-Cyrus progression is pictured more easily as fitting into the career of a single courtier than the historical progression Nebuchadnezzar, Amel-Marduk, Neriglissar, Labashi-Marduk, Nabonidus, Belshazzar, Cyrus.

For the base text that I have adapted, I used the 1917 Jewish Publication Society translation.

Seow, C. L. (2003). Daniel. Westminster John Knox Press.

4 in Aramaic. While the book of Daniel up to this point is written in Hebrew, here, beginning with O king, the languages switches to Aramaic. The Aramaic continues even after the quote finishes, and goes on until 8:1. At the beginning of 8:1, Hebrew resumes, and the rest of the book is written in Hebrew.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

5 horn. Aramaic qeren, which like the Hebrew term can be used for an animal horn (cf. Daniel 7:7 et seq.). The KJV reads 'cornet', but Driver's assertion that qeren here refers to a ram's horn.

5 pipe. Armaic mashrokita. In the Hebrew Bible, this term is used only in Daniel 3, and only in the repeated listing of instruments, so unfortunately from the biblical text itself it would be difficult to try to puzzle out its meaning. The KJV reads 'flute'. Compare Driver.

5 lyre. Aramaic kitaros, like the Greek kitaris, kitara, and thus referring to a lyre-like instrument. Compare Driver. See also "Kithara", in the Perseus Encyclopedia.

5 trigon. Aramaic sabka, like the Greek sambuke (sambuca), or trigon, a small stringed harp-like instrument with four strings. See Driver. The KJV reads 'sackbut', erroneously. A sackbut was a sort of medieval trumpet or trombone.

5 psaltery. Aramaic psanterin, like the Greek psalterion, psaltery.

5 bagpipe. Aramaic sumponia, like the Greek symphonia. Various suggestions have been made about the meaning of this word -- it is not at all clear that 'bagpipe' is correct. Driver opts for 'bagpipe', while HALOT suggests 'double-barrelled flute' or 'sackbut'.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Driver, S. R. (1900 First Edition, 1922 Reprint). Daniel.

HALOT. The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament.

Daniel 4 relates a tale in which king Nebuchadnezzar is punished by God with insanity, and lives among the animals. After this, he recovers and returns to his place as king of Babylon. No such episode appears in the historical record of Nebuchadnezzar's reign (c. 605-562 BCE).

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

1 Belshazzar. The narrative now skips forward several decades. The reign of Nebuchadnezzar ended in 562, while this story is set in 539, and is an imaginative retelling of the fall of Babylon.

1 the king. Belshazzar was the son of king Nabonidus, and managed the affairs of Babylon in his father's absence toward the end of his reign. He was not referred to by the title 'king' in any of the extant records.

2 his father. Belshazzar was the son of Nabonidus, and not a descendant of Nebuchadnezzar.

2 had taken. A reference to the sacking of Jerusalem, which occurred in 587 or 586.

25 MENE MENE, TEKEL UPHARSIN. Driver's explanation, with various minor alterations for ease of reading:

"MENE (pronounced mene, to rhyme with bewray), MENE, TEKEL (pronounced tekel, to rhyme with bewail), UPHARSIN: in the explanation, we have, for upharsin, peres (to rhyme with deface), which is just the singular of parsin (or, where a vowel, as here u, precedes, pharsin), u being 'and.'

"Mene, as the passive participle of mena, to number, might mean 'numbered'; but if the present vocalization is correct, tekel cannot mean 'weighed,' nor peres 'divided.' These two words, as they stand, must be substantives. The true explanation of the four words is probably that which was first suggested by Clermont-Ganneau, and which has since been adopted by Nöldeke and others. They are really the names of three weights, mene being the correct Aramaic form of the Hebrew maneh, the m'na, tekel being the Aramaic form of the Hebrew shekel, and peres (or more correctly peras), properly division, being a late Jewish word for a half-m'na. Thus the four words are really A M'NA, A M'NA, A SHEKEL, AND HALF-M'NAS.

"The puzzle consisted partly in the character or manner in which they were supposed to have been written -- an unfamiliar form of the Aramaic character, for instance, or, as medieval Jews suggested, a vertical instead of a horizontal arrangement of the letters; partly in the difficulty of attaching any meaning to them, even when they were read: what could the names of three weights signify?

"Here Daniel's skill in the 'declaring of riddles' (v. 12) comes in. Mene means 'numbered,' as well as 'a m'na': it is accordingly interpretated at once as signifying that the days of Belshazzar's kingdom are 'numbered,' and approaching their end. Tekel, 'shekel,' suggests tekil, 'weighed': 'Thou art weighed in the balances, and art found wanting.' Parsin, 'half-m'nas,' or peres (peras), 'a half-m'na,' points allusively to a double interpretation: 'Thy kingdom is divided (peris), and given to the Medes and Persians' (Aramaic paras)."

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Driver, S. R. (1900 First Edition, 1922 Reprint). Daniel.

1 Darius the Mede. As a matter of historical record, the fall of Babylon, which had been ruled last by Nabonidus, part of whose reign was spent in something like a co-regency with his son Belshazzar, was immediately followed by the reign of Cyrus the Persian, who conquered Babylon in 539. The book of Daniel, however, inserts a king Darius between Belshazzar and Cyrus. While Darius "the Mede" is unknown to history, there was a Darius who became king of the Achaemenid Empire nine years after the fall of Babylon, another about a century later, and another was the last Achaemenid king before the Empire fell to Alexander the Great. The entire time period between the fall of Babylon in 539 and the fall of the Achaemenids in 330 leaves Palestine under Achaemenid domination for just over two centuries.

The Hebrew Bible knows of four names for Achaemenid rulers: Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes. Although the Primary Narrative (Genesis-Kings) of the Hebrew Bible gives a system of chronology from the creation to the fall of Jerusalem in 587 or 586, the Persian period (539-330) does not receive any similar systematic chronological treatment.

Where the Persian-era narratives of the Hebrew Bible do discuss Persian rulers, what little tidbits they give in the way of dates do not suffice to build a complete chronology without some fairly imaginative filling in of details. The Bible uses the names Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes without indicating to the reader that there were three kings by the name of Darius, two of Xerxes, and four of Artaxerxes.

If one counts the years, the first Achaemenic Emperor, Cyrus, ruled 9 years after the fall of Babylon. Kings named Darius ruled 36, 19, and 6 years -- 61 "Darius" years. Kings named Xerxes I and II ruled 21 years and 1 year, respectively -- 22 years. The four kings named Artaxerxes, in order I through V, ruled 41, 46, 20, and 2 years -- 109 years. Added up, this accounts for about 201 of the 209 years of Persian domination.

What of the kings that did not go by these names? Cambyses II ruled eight years, but does not seem to have left any lasting impact in the biblical and post-biblical traditional Jewish memory. Bardiya and Sogdianus would be even less likely to leave behind a strong impression, each having ruled less than two years.

And so where Persian kings are named in the Hebrew Bible, there are simply four names in play, Darius, Cyrus, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes. It would be easy for a biblical reader unaware of the history of the Achaemenid Empire to greatly compress its length, and this is precisely in fact what happened for the calculations underlying the Jewish calendar of today. The existence of multiple rulers of the same name is mostly forgotten in the rabbinical tradition, and official Jewish tradition remembers the time as much shorter, compressing it into 52 years of Persian domination.

25 fell upon them. Following the suggestion of Driver. JPS reads "had the mastery of them".

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

For the years of rule for the various Achaemenid kings, see this Wikimedia chart.

Driver, S. R. (1900 First Edition, 1922 Reprint). Daniel.

1 first year of Belshazzar king. In the Babylonian records, Belshazzar is not called a king, and consequently, dates are not given in terms of his kingship. He was the son of Nabonidus, and took on some functions as ruler in his father's extended absence. If we were to attempt to place the folktales of Daniel in a historical context, we might treat the first year of Belshazzar as the first year of Nabonidus' absence, or about 552 BC.

7 ten horns. Representing, according to Driver and NOAB, the kings of the Seleucid kingdom up to Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the 'little horn' of v. 8. NOAB sees ten as "a round number representing the kings of the Seleucid empire from Seleucus I until the time of Antiochus IV Epiphanes." Driver (see p. 101) goes into much greater detail, reviewing several suggestions for how an exact count of ten might fit.

24 three kings. NOAB gives here the names of Seleucus IV, Antiochus, and Demetrius, who were supposed to come before Antiochus IV Epiphanes in succession for the throne, as the 'three kings' 'put down' by Antiochus. Whether Antiochus was responsible for the deaths of just one or all three of them, none of the three achieved kingship, and Antiochus gained the throne instead.

25 he shall speak words against the Most High. Antiochus IV Epiphanes was the first Seleucid ruler declared himself a god, as for example by taking upon himself the title "God Manifest", in addition to his suppression of traditional Jewish worship.

25 a time and times and half a time. From the beginning of the persecution of Jews under Antiochus to the end of his reign is approximately three years and a half, that is, taking a time as a year, three and a half years is 'a time, (two) times, and half a time'.

28 in my heart. These are the last words of the long Aramaic section of Daniel, which had begun in 2:4. At 8:1, Hebrew resumes.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Driver, S. R. (1900 First Edition, 1922 Reprint). Daniel.

NOAB, here, stands for the New Oxford Annotated Bible, Fully Revised Fourth Edition, ed. Michael D. Coogan, 2010.

1 third year ... king. See the note on 7:1.

3 one higher than the other. The ram is the Medes and the Persians. For all the Hebrew Bible's occasional confusions about the Medes and the Persian, the two horns do accurately sum up the relationship between the two. The Persian or Achaemenid Empire did come up after the Median kingdom, and attained a greater status than kingdom of Media did.

5 a he-goat came from the west. This is the establishment of Alexander's short-lived united Greek Empire, which came from west of the Persians and defeated them.

8 the great horn was broken. Though Alexander conquered an immense amount of territory, he died young, bringing an end to his kingdom as a single entity.

8 four horns. The kingdom of Alexander was divided up among four of his generals after his death.

9 out of one of them came forth a little horn. Out of the Seleucid Empire came forth Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the same figure as the 'little horn' of chapter 7.

11 the continual burnt-offering. A reference to Antiochus' suppression of the worship in the temple of Jerusalem.

15 two thousand and three hundred evenings and mornings. Each day containing one evening and one morning, 2300 'evenings and mornings' would equal 1150 days. The daily sacrifice being offered twice daily, a cessation of the sacrifices for 1150 days would result in 2300 sacrificed missed. This is a period a few months shorter than the "time, times, and half a time" (i.e. three years and a half) of Daniel 7:25. Perhaps, as Driver suggests, the 1150 days is meant to be the period in which the offerings were suspended, while the three and a half years speak to the Antiochene persecutions more generally.

25 broken without hand. That is, killed, but not by human hands. 2 Maccabees 9:5-9 records that Antiochus died of some form of severe sickness which included a rapid onset of bowel pain, followed later by gangrene. Like Daniel, 2 Maccabees attributes the death of Antiochus to divine intervention.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Driver, S. R. (1900). Daniel.

1 the first year of Darius. Thus it would appear that this vision, for the author of Daniel, comes immediately after the fall of Babylon, although this Darius did not exist historically and the actual successor to the fallen Babylonian Empire was Cyrus the Persian.

1 the son of Ahasuerus. Ahasuerus is a conventional rendering of the Hebrew Ahashwerosh, which is the equivalent of the more commonly used Xerxes. Of the three kings named Darius who ruled in the Achaemenid Empire, none were the son of Xerxes.

2 seventy years. The duration to which Daniel refers appears twice in Jeremiah:

25:11-12 -- "And all this land will be a desolation, an astonishment, and these nations shall serve the king of Babylon seventy years. And it shall come to pass, when seventy years are accomplished, that I will punish the king of Babylon, and that nation, says Yahweh, for their iniquity, and the land of the Chaldeans, and will make it perpetual desolations."

29:10 -- "For thus says Yahweh, that after seventy years are completed at Babylon I will visit you, and perform my good word toward you, in causing you to return to this place."

If Jeremiah's words are to be taken as something more than a rough use of seventy years as approximating a human lifetime, then Jeremiah's seventy years present a chronological problem. If the desolation of Jerusalem begins in 587 (or 586) with the destruction of the temple, and if 'after seventy years ... I will punish the king of Babylon', one might expect Babylon to be overthrown in 517. Yet Babylon was overthrown in 539, just forty-nine years after the destruction of the temple. Without retreading all the great volume of ink that has been spilled over the seventy years, this should be enough to indicate why one might puzzle over the meaning of the seventy years.

24 seventy weeks. Instead of seventy years, the book of Daniel rewrites the prophecy of Jeremiah to refer to seventy 'weeks', or seven-year periods. In other words, four hundred and ninety years. This reinterpretation of the old prophecy solves some problems, but creates new problems as it goes. Without getting deep into the weeds of the many fanciful attempts to explain the 'seventy weeks', I will follow here the scheme treated as most probable by Driver.

25 seven weeks. That is, forty-nine years. While all attempts to understand Danie's scheme of weeks have their difficulties, consider that, if we measure from the destruction of the temple in 587 to the decree of Cyrus in 538, we arrive at forty-nine years.

25 and for sixty-two weeks, it shall be built again, but in troubled times. The whole period from the decree of Cyrus in 538 to the accession of Antiochus could be seen as a period in which the temple is rebuilt, but under foreign domination. Could this period be the 62 weeks? Unfortunately, 62 weeks is 434 years, which does not fit tightly to the actual historical 368 years that pass from 539 to 171. This only works if the book of Daniel overestimates the length of this period by about sixty years. However, as Driver points out, both Demetrius the Chronographer, who lived a little before Daniel, and Josephus, who depended on him, overestimate the length of of similar spans of time by fifty to seventy years (see Driver, p. 149). Josephus, in a claim strikingly close to assigning 434 years from 583 to 171, in fact assigns 434 years to the period from 538 to 164 (also according to Driver). In any case, however unsatisfying it might be to assign the sixty-two weeks to a period it does not quite match historically, it is not implausible that Daniel should be working with similar numbers to Demetrius and Josephus.

26 an anointed one shall be cut off. The usual explanation from critical scholars is that this is a reference to Antiochus having Onias murdered. Now, in the scheme of Daniel, sixty-nine 'weeks' have ended, and the final 'week', 171-164, begins.

27 he shall make a firm covenant. From the perspective of the Maccabees, their fight was against an immoral alliance between Antiochus and the more pro-Greek segment ("Hellenizers") of Judean society.

28 for half a week. This again, is the same sort of reference to the temple cult being suppressed for somewhat over three years in the last part of Antiochus' reign. This is equal or almost equal to the 'time, times, and half a time' of Daniel 7:25, and to the 1150 days ('evening, morning, 2300') of Daniel 8:14.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Driver, S. R. (1900). Daniel.

1 third year of Cyrus. If we were to try to place this phrase directly into known history, it would come to about 537 BC. But as the book of Daniel inserts an additional, non-historical 'Darius the Mede' between the fall of Babylon and the accession of Cyrus, it becomes difficult to say how the author of Daniel would have dated this dream.

5 gold of Uphaz. The term 'Uphaz' occurs only here and Jeremiah 10:9. There have been suggests that something has gone wrong in the transmission of the text, and that perhaps one should read 'gold of Ophir', or 'pure gold'. See "Uphaz" in the Anchor Bible Dictionary.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Baker, David W. "Uphaz". In the Anchor Bible Dictionary.

2 the fourth. The fourth Persian king -- Bardiya not being counted -- was Xerxes I.

4 not to his posterity. Alexander the Great, whose kingdom was the greatest the ancient world had seen, but after whose death his kingdom was divided among four of his generals.

5. This verse, briefly, alludes to the beginnings of the Seleucid and Ptolemaic Empires, which struggled back and forth for control over Palestine. Alexander incorporated Palestine into his kingdom, and after his death in 322, it was strongly contested for about twenty years. After the battle of Ipsus in 301, it remained under Ptolemaic control, despite repeated attempts by the Seleucids to take it, until 198. At that point, it passed into Seleucid hands, where it stayed until the Maccabean revolt.

5 king of the south. According to Driver, Ptolemy I, who followed Alexander as ruler of Egypt. NOAB concurs.

5 one of his commanders. According to Driver, this is Seleucus, founder of the Seleucid Empire. Where here I have 'commanders', JPS reads 'princes', but see Driver, Gesenius, NOAB.

5 he shall be strong above him. That is, Seleucus will be stronger than Ptolemy (Driver, NOAB).

5 a great dominion. That is, the Seleucid Empire.

6 at the end of [some] years. According to Driver, this brings us to "31 years after the death of Seleucus Nicator".

6 join themselves together. "About B.C. 249", says Driver, "In order to terminate his long wars with Antiochus II. (Theos), Ptolemy Philadelphus gave him in marriage his daughter, Berenice, upon the condition that he should divorce his legitimate wife, Laodice, and that his two sons, Seleucus and Antiochus, should renounce all claim to the throne of Syria: in the event of Antiochus and Berenice having issue, Ptolemy hoped in this way to secure Syria as an Egyptian province."

6 the daughter of the king of the south. I.e., Berenice (Driver).

6 but she shall not retain the strength of her arm. That is, as Driver explains, Berenice "will not be able to maintain herself against her rival, Laodice. ... she was first divorced by Antiochus in favor of Laodice, and afterwards murdered at her instigation."

6 nor shall he stand, nor his arm. Driver, "Antiochus, who was murdered by Laodice".

6 he who begot her. Ptolemy II Philadelphus, who died about two years after the ill-fated marriage (Driver).

7 one of the shoots of her roots. That is, a descendant of her ancestors, meaning, a relative. This refers to her brother, Ptolemy III (Driver).

7 shall stand up in his place. That is, inherit his position, of Ptolemy III inheriting the throne of Ptolemy II.

7 shall enter into the stronghold of the king of the south. That is, Ptolemy III will successfully invade the Seleucid Empire. According to Driver, the stronghold referred to is the city of Seleucia.

8. Ptolemy, distracted by matters in Egypt, leaves the Seleucid Empire despite very nearly conquering the entire empire. He brings back a tremendous amount of plunder with him. For the last twenty years of his reign, he does not attack the Seleucids again.

9. The Seleucid 'king of the north' had reestablished control over the the Seleucid Empire by 242, two years after the invasion. He then launched an unsuccessful invasion of Egypt, 'the kingdom of the king of the south' (Driver).

10 his sons. According to Driver, this refers to Seleucus III Ceraunus and Antiochus III the Great. It was only Antiochus who went to war against Egypt due to the assassination of Seleucus in 223, but it is Driver's opinion that both are referred to as they both planned and prepared for the invasion.

10 and overflow. According to Driver, the language deliberately echoes Isaiah 8:8, and compares the Seleucid campaigns of 219 and 218 "to a flood of waters inundating a land".

10 return. Driver -- "Antiochus, after wintering in Ptolemais, 'returned' to the attack upon Egypt in 217.

10 as far as his stronghold. Driver -- "Probably Gaza, which was the most important fortress of Palestine on the south, and a play upon the name of which (עזה) is perhaps intended by the Heb. word here used (מעזה). The strength of Gaza may be estimated by the fact that it resisted Alexander the Great for two months."

11 the king of the south. Driver -- "Ptolemy Phipator."

11-12 and he shall raise ... shall be lifted up. This bit, which Driver calls 11b-12a, is difficult to interpret from the Hebrew.

Driver -- "Very ambiguous. The two alternative explanations are: --

"(1) And he (Ptolemy) will raise a great army, and it will be placed under his (Ptolemy's) command, -- the fact being mentioned on account of Ptolemy's unwarlike nature and usual indifference, -- (12) and the multitude (the army of Ptolemy) shall lift itself up (viz. to attack: cf. Is. xxxiii. 10 A.V.), its (or his, i.e. Ptolemy's) heart being exalted, i.e. elated with the prospect of success (von Lengerke, Hitzig, Ewald, Meinhold);

"(2)And he (Antiochus) will raise a great army (cf. v 13 a), but it will be given into his (Ptolemy's) hands, (12) and the multitude (the army of Antiochus) shall be carried away (R.V. marg.; cf. for the rend. Is. viii. 4, xl. 24, xli. 16), and his (Ptolemy's) heart shall be exalted, i.e. elated with the victory (Bev., Behrm., Keil for v. 11b, Prince). There are objections to each of these interpretations, both on the score of Heb. usage, and relation to the context, and also on account (see above) of imperfect agreement with the history; but, on the whole, the second is preferable. To be exalted (or lifted up), of the heart, as ch. v. 20; Deut. viii. 14, xvii. 20.

11 and his heart. The and here is absent in the Kethib, but present in the Qere. According to Driver's footnotes, his option (1) above agrees better with the Kethib, and (2) with the Qere.

12 and he shall cast down tens of thousands. Driver -- "and he (Ptolemy) shall cause tens of thousands to fall] at the battle of Raphia." The Battle of Raphia, in 217, was a massive battle, in which Ptolemy decisively defeating the Seleucids, who were in the process of attempting to take Palestine again.

12 shall not prevail. After his major defeat of the Seleucid Empire, Ptolemy did not press his advantage. After regaining his lost territory, he offered the Seleucid kingdom surprisingly generous terms. More than one ancient writer saw this as a major lost opportunity (Driver). About forty-two years later, Egypt would lose its possessions in Palestine.

13. In 202, Antiochus III the Great, ruler of the Seleucid Empire, invaded the Levant, in what would become known as the Fifth Syrian War. By 200, he had definitively taken control of Palestine, which would remain in Seleucid hands until the Maccabean rebellion.

14 there shall many stand up. Driver -- "Alluding to Antiochus, to Philip of Macedon, his ally, and also (according to Jerome) to rebellions which broke out in the provinces subject to Egypt, and insurrections in Egypt itself, through dissatisfaction with the haughty and dissolute Agathocles, Ptolemy Philopator's chief minister and favorite (see Polyb. xv. 25-34 [Mahaffy, pp. 276-287], where a graphic account is given of the assassination of Agathocles in a popular tumult, immediately after the accession of the infant king, Ptolemy V.)"

14 also the children of the children of the violent among your people shall lift themselves up to establish the vision; but they shall stumble. Driver -- "The allusion is apparently to a faction among the Jews, who, for the purpose of fulfilling certain prophecies, took the part of Antiochus against Ptolemy, but were unsuccessful.

"Antiochus the Great, in the invasion referred to on v. 13, had, it seems, obtained possession of Palestine: shortly afterwards, however, in 200, the guardian of the young Ptolemy Epiphanes sent Scopas, an Aetolian mercenary, to recover it: he was successful, 'subdued the nation of the Jews' (Polyb. xvi. 39 ap. Jos. l. c.), and left a garrison in the citadel at Jerusalem. Within a year or two, as soon as his war with Attalus of Pergamum was over, Antiochus marched against Scopas, and defeated him with great loss at Paneion, by the sources of the Jordan (cf. Polyb. xvi 18f.) so that he was obliged to retreat, with 100,000 men, into Sidon, where Antiochus besieged him, and though Ptolemy sent him assistance, compelled him to surrender (B.C. 198). After this Antiochus recovered Batanaea, Samaria, Abila and Gadera: he then entered Jerusalem, where the people received him gladly, provided his army with good, and assisted him to expel the garrison left in the citadel by Scopas; in return for this friendliness, Antiochus afterwards granted the Jews remission of many taxes, and contributed liberally to both the services and the repair of the Temple. Only Gaza remained loyal to Ptolemy; and withstood a siege from Antiochus rather than join the Syrian side (Polyb. xvi. 40). We do not know particulars: but the allusion in this part of v. 14 can hardly be to anything except to a party in Jerusalem which (perhaps before the expedition of Scopas: notice Polybius' phrase 'subdued,' as though there had been some rebellion) supported Antiochus, and in some way was broken up."

14 violent. Driver -- "properly, breakers down (or breakers through): the word denotes a robber, Jer. vii. 11 ('a den of robbers'); Ez. vii. 22, xviii. 10; and is used of a destructive wild-beast, Is. xxxv. 9. The author chooses a strong term for the purpose of expressing his disapprobation of a party who were instrumental in bringing Judah under the rule of the Seleucidae, Antiochus the Great being the father of the hated Antiochus Epiphanes.

15 throw up earthworks, and take a well-fortified city. Driver -- "Sidon, in which Scopas was shut up, and which Antiochus took (see on v. 14)."

16 and as for his chosen people. Driver explains this as "his chosen warriors: cf. Ex. xv. 4; Jer. xlviii. 15".

16 he who comes against him. That, Antiochus III, who comes against Ptolemy (Driver).

16 in the beauteous land. That is, the land of Israel (Driver).

17 but shall make an agreement. This is by emendation; the words of the Masoretic Text as they stand "yield no sense" (Driver).

Driver -- "He did not carry out his intention but found it convenient to come to terms with Ptolemy ... Antiochus had his eye on Asia Minor, and even on Europe: but being opposed by the Romans, he was glad to be on good terms with Egypt; he according betrothed his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy Epiphanes, promised that she should receive as her dowry what was afterwards understood by the Egyptians to be the provinces of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, though this was denied before the Roman legates by Antiochus Epiphanes (Polyb. xxviii. 17, who appears to think that Antiochus Epiphanes was right). The marriage actually took place in the winter of 194-3, Antiochus taking his daughter to Raphia for the purpose (Livy xxxv. 13)."

17 and he shall give him the daughter of women. Driver -- "his daughter Cleopatra."

17 to destroy it. According to Driver, by this is meant that Antiochus did not give Ptolemy his daughter out of a genuine desire for friendship, but still secretly harbored the goal of one day conquering Egypt. Driver -- "In 196, upon a false report of the death of Ptolemy reaching Lysimacheia (below, note), he actually started for the purpose of seizing Egypt (Livy xxxiii. 41). The KJV reads corrupting her.

17 but it shall not stand, nor be for him. Driver -- "his plan will succeed (cf. for the expression, Is. vii. 7, xiv. 24), nor turn out to his advantage, but (as is implied by the position of the pron., 'and not for him shall it be') to that of another. ... In point of fact, Ptolemy retained the friendship of the Romans, while Antiochus, to his cost (see on v. 18), lost it."

18. Driver -- "Antiochus cherished ambitious designs towards the West. In 196 most of the cities in Asia Minor submitted to him; in the same year he even crossed the Hellespont and seized the Thracian Chersonese, and in 195 set about organizing it as a satropy for his son Seleucus. In 192 he landed in Greece, and occupied various places in the N. of the Isthmus of Corinth, but was defeated by the Romans in 191 at Thermopylae, and compelled to retire to Ephesus. The Romans next determined to expel Antiochus from Asia. Immense preparations were made on both sides: in the end, the decisive battle was fought in the autumn of 190, at Magnesia, near Smyrna, and Antiochus's huge army of 80,000 men was defeated, with enormous loss, by Lucius Cornelius Scipio (Livy xxxvii. 39-44). Antiochus was now obliged to renounce formally all claims to any part of Europe, or of Asia Minor, west of the Taurus, and to submit to other humiliation conditions of peace. His ruin was complete: 'never, perhaps,' remarks Mommsen, 'did a great power fall so rapidly, so thoroughly, so ignominiously, as did the Seleucidae under this Antiochus the Great.' These are the events alluded to in the present verse of Daniel."

18 isles. Driver -- "Heb. ʾiyyîm],--the word used regularly (e.g. Gen x. 5; Is. xi. 11) of the islands and jutting promontories (for it includes both) of the Mediterranean Sea. Here it denotes in particular the coasts and islands of Asia Minor and Greece."

18 a captain. Driver -- "Lucius Cornelius Scipio, at the battle of Magnesia. The Heb. word (ḳāẓīn) means properly a decider (Arab. ḳāḍi), and is used of one who interposes, or acts, with authority: in Josh. x. 24, Jud. xi. 6, 11, of a military commander, as here; Is. iii. 6, 7, of a dictator, taking the lead in a civic emergency; of other authorities, civil or military, in Is. i. 10, xxii. 3; Mic. iii. 1, 9; Prov. vi. 7, xxv. 15 (all)."

18 reproach. Driver -- "implied in the defiant attitude adopted by him towards the Romans: not only had he, for instance, attacked many of their allies, but he told their legates at Lysimacheia that they had no more right to inquire what he was doing in Asia, than he had to inquire what they were doing in Italy (Liv. xxxiii. 40)."

19. Driver -- "The end of Antiochus (B.C. 187). After his discomfiture at Magnesia he was obliged to retire east of the Taurus, and confine himself to the 'strongholds of his own land.' To met the heavy fine imposed upon him by the romans (Polyb. xxi. 14; Livy xxxvii. 45), he had to levy contributions where he could, and deemed sacrilege excusable under the circumstances. Having plundered for this purpose a wealthy temple of Bel at Elymais (Persia), he quickly met, says Diodorus (xxix. 15), τῆς προσηκούσης ἐκ θεῶν κολάσεως, being attacked by the inhabitants and slain (cf. Justin xxxii. 2). The last words of the verse allude to this disastrous enterprise, which brought his life to an end."

20 Then shall stand up in his place one who shall cause an exactor to pass through the glory of the kingdom. Driver -- "Seleucus IV. The words are generally considered to allude to an event from the reign of this monarch which affected the Jews. In 2 Macc. iii. we read, namely, how one Simon, guardian of the Temple, having quarrelled with the high-priest Onias, gave information to Appollonius, governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, of the treasures contained in the Temple, with the suggestion that they might prove useful to the king: Seleucus thereupon commissioned his chief minister (τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων), Heliodorus, to proceed to Jerusalem and appropriate them. Heliodorus accordingly visited Jerusalem for the purpose; but was prevented from carrying it out (according to the author of 2 Macc.) by a supernatural apparition, which appeared to him just as he was on the point of entering the treasury. We are however imperfectly informed as to the events of Seleucus IV.'s reign; and it is possible that the allusion may be of a general king: Seleucus (below, note) had to pay for nine years an annual sum of 1000 talents to the romans, which he would naturally exact of his subject provinces; and perhaps the reference may be to the 'exactor' who visited Palestine regularly for the purpose.

20 the glory of the kingdom. Driver -- "a prophet (Is. xii. 19) had called Babylon 'the beauty of kingdoms'; and so here the land of Judah is called 'the glory of the kingdom' (viz. of the Seleucidae), their noblest and choicest province. The Heb. in this part of the verse is however unusual; and Bevan, transposing two words, would read, 'shall stand up an exactor (Seleucus IV. himself), who shall cause the glory of the kingdom (i.e. of his own kingdom) to pass away,' -- with allusion to the inglorious reign of Seleucus IV."

20 but within few days he shall be destroyed, neither in anger, nor in battle. Driver -- "not by some passionate deed of violence, and not in an open fight, but (it is implied) in some less honourable way; in point of fact Seleucus, after an uneventful reign of 12 years, met his death, perhaps by poison, through a plot headed by his chief minister, Heliodorus (Appian, Syr. c. 45 ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς Ἡλιοδώρου). The 'few days' may be reckoned either from the mission of Heliodorus, or perhaps from the inception of the plot: in either case the general meaning will be that he would come to a speedy and untimely end."

20 in anger. Driver -- "if this is the meaning, the Heb. is very unusual; Behrmann suggests, on the strength of Aramaic analogies (cf. P. S. col. 278, bottom), that the expression may perhaps mean openly.

21-45. Driver -- "Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes), 175-164."

Driver (p. 178) -- "Before proceeding further, it will be convenient to give a summary of the chief events of Antiochus Epiphanes reign.

"Antiochus' first expedition into Egypt (B.C. 170). The death, soon after Antiochus' accession, in 174 or 173, of his sister, Cleopatra, widow of Ptolemy Epiphanes, was the signal for fresh complications with Egypt. His nephew, Ptolemy Philometor, who was a boy of not more than 15 years old, fell now under the influence of his guardians, the eunuch Eulaeus and a Syrian named Lenaeus, who assured him that, if he would but make the attempt, he would easily recover for Egypt her Syrian possessions. Antiochus, learning through Apollonius, the governor of Coele-Syria (whom he had sent to attend the enthronement of Philometor), Egyptian feeling towards himself, proceeded to act without further delay. First, with the intention, no doubt, of making himself popular with the Jews, he visited Jerusalem, and received there, at the instance of the Hellenizing high-priest Jason (above, on ix. 26), a magnificent welcome (2 Macc. iv. 21, 22). After this, he led his army into Phoenicia (ibid.). Both parties, now that hostilities were actually beginning, sent embassies to Rome, each hoping to enlist the sympathies of the Senate, and each laying the blame of the war upon the other, — Antiochus declaring that he held the Syrian provinces by inheritance from his father Antiochus the Great, and that he was only defending rights which had been unjustly (παρὰ πάντα τά δίκαια) attacked, while Ptolemy contended that Antiochus the Great had taken advantage of the youth of his father, Ptolemy Epiphanes, to wrest these provinces from him. Nothing, however, of importance resulted from these embassies, and hostilities continued. In 170 B.C. Antiochus marched into Egypt with a considerable force (1 Macc. i. 17), defeated Ptolemy's troops between Pelusium and Mons Casius, and — by some dishonourable means which Polybius censures (xxviii. 7. 16) — obtained possession of the important border-fortress — the claustra Aegypti, as Livy calls it (xlv. 11) — of Pelusium. It was the clemency shewn by Antiochus in the battle near Pelusium — he rode about among his troops, and would not permit them to massacre the defeated Egyptians — that won for him the favour of the Egyptians, and facilitated considerably both his capture of Pelusium, and his subsequent conquest of Egypt (Diod. xxx. 14). After the fall of Pelusium, Eulaeus, it seems, persuaded Ptolemy to abandon his kingdom, and retire to Samothrace (Polyb. xxviii. 17a); but, — apparently on the way thither, — he was intercepted, and fell into his uncle's hands. According to Jerome, Antiochus now, simulating friendship with his nephew, proceeded to Memphis, where ex more Aegypti he was crowned; and pretending to be acting in Philometor's interests (puerique rebus se providere dicens), succeeded in occupying the whole of Egypt (cf. 1 Macc. i. 18—90), an act in which, Jerome adds, tam callidus fuit, ut prudentes cogitationes eorum qui duces pueri erant, sua fraude subverteret. After this Antiochus prepared to return to Syria. Meanwhile, however, disturbances had arisen in Jerusalem. A rumour having been current of the death of Antiochus, Jason, the deposed and exiled high-priest (above, on ix. 26), thought the opportunity a favourable one for recovering his former position; so he attacked Jerusalem with 1000 men, and compelled Menelaus to take refuge in the citadel, but misusing his success for the purpose of slaughtering his own countrymen, was obliged to retire again to the country of the Ammonites (2 Macc. v. 5—10). Antiochus, hearing of these proceedings, thought Jerusalem was in revolt: so on his return from Egypt, he made a détour through Judaea, and entering the city with his army, massacred many of the inhabitants, penetrated into the sanctuary, and carried away all the sacred vessels, as well as all the other gold and silver that he could find there (1 Macc. i. 20—24; also, probably with some exaggeration, 2 Macc. v. 11—17, 21: cf. Jos. B. J. 1. i. 1). In all this Antiochus was supported by Menelaus and his other Hellenizing friends among the Jews; indeed, according to Josephus (Ant. XII. v. 3) they opened the gates of Jerusalem to admit him.

"Aniiochus' second expedition into Egypt (B.C. 169). It was probably during Antiochus' absence from Egypt that Philometor's younger brother, Ptolemy Physcon (afterwards Euergetes II.), was proclaimed king in Alexandria. This led to Antiochus' second invasion of Egypt (B.C. 169), in which he gave out that he was acting from the honourable motive of restoring his nephew and ally, Philometor, to his lawful rights, while, of course, in reality he was simply playing off one brother against the other with the object of securing all for himself. Having defeated the Egyptian fleet in a naval battle near Pelusium, he marched to Memphis, and then sailed down the Nile towards Alexandria. A little S. of Naukratis he was met by an embassy of Achaeans and others, who came on behalf of Physcon to treat for peace. Antiochus received the envoys courteously, and listened to their arguments. They cast the whole blame for what had occurred upon Lenaeus; and referring to Ptolemy's youth, and his relationship to himself, entreated the king to lay aside his anger. Antiochus replied, stating at length the grounds on which he claimed Syria: it had been held by Antigonus, the founder of the Syrian empire, it had been afterwards ceded formally by the Macedonian kings to his son, Seleucus, and it had been conquered afresh by his own father, Antiochus the Great: the agreement, by which, as was alleged, it had been granted by Antiochus the Great to Cleopatra as a dowry (above, on v. 17) he entirely denied. Polybius adds that he convinced all who heard him of the justice of his contention (ὡς δίκαια λέγει). After this, Antiochus sailed on to Naukratis, where he treated the inhabitants graciously, giving to every Greek resident a gold coin. He then proceeded to lay siege to Alexandria. During the siege an embassy of Rhodians approached Antiochus with proposals for peace; but these envoys he cut short in their arguments by remarking that 'the kingdom belonged to Ptolemy Philometor, that with him he had long been at peace [viz. since he fell into his hands, after the battle of Pelusium], and they were both friends; if therefore the Alexandrians were prepared to call Philometor back, he would not stand in their way.' We do not know how long the siege of Alexandria continued; but the city must have suffered in it severely; Livy (xliv. 19) narrates how an embassy sent on behalf of Physcon to Rome, made a piteous appeal to the Senate, declaring that unless help were speedily forthcoming, the whole of Egypt would fall into the hands of Antiochus. C. Popillius Laenas, and two other envoys, were accordingly deputed by the Senate to terminate the war between the two kings, and to inform both that, whichever persisted in hostilities would not be regarded by the Romans as their friend or ally. However, before these envoys could reach Egypt, Antiochus, finding himself unable to take Alexandria, withdrew to Syria, leaving Philometor, cui regnum quaeri suis viribus simulabat ut victorem mox aggrederetur (Livy xlv. 11), as nominal king at Memphis, and stationing a strong garrison in Pelusium.

"Antiochus' third expedition into Egypt (B.C. 168). The garrison left in Pelusium, the 'key of Egypt,' opened Philometor's eyes: it was evident that Antiochus wished to be in a position to return to Egypt with his army when he pleased, and also that the end of the war between the two brothers would be that the victor, whichever he was, would fall afterwards an easy prey to Antiochus. Accordingly Philometor made overtures of peace to Physcon, which, being seconded by Physcon's friends, and warmly supported by his sister, Cleopatra, were listened to favourably: before long a reconciliation was effected and Philometor was received into Alexandria (Livy xlv. 11). As Livy drily remarks, if Antiochus' real object had been to restore Philometor to his throne, he ought to have rejoiced at this reconciliation: in point of fact, however, he was so incensed at it, that he proceeded (B.C. 168) to attack the two brothers with far greater animosity (multo acrius infestiusque) than he had ever displayed towards the one. His fleet he sent on at once to Cyprus; he himself, at the beginning of spring, marched by land through Coele-Syria towards Egypt. At Rhinocolura, the border-stream of Egypt, he was met by the envoys of Philometor, who endeavoured to appease him by assuring him that their master gratefully recognized that it was by Antiochus' help that he had regained his kingdom, and that he hoped the king would still continue to be his friend. Antiochus replied that he would recall neither his army nor his fleet unless the whole of Cyprus were ceded to him, as well as Pelusium, and the country about the Pelusiac arm of the Nile; and appointed a day before which Philometor should declare whether he accepted these terms or not. As no answer came within the stipulated time, Antiochus advanced to Memphis, was well received by the people, 'partly from good-will, partly from fear,' and then proceeded by leisurely stages to Alexandria. At Eleusis, four miles from Alexandria, he was met by Popillius Laenas and the other Roman legates. He offered Popillius his hand. The Roman held out to him the ultimatum of the Senate, and bade him first read that. Antiochus, having read it, replied that he would consider with his friends what he would do. Popillius, pro cetera asperitate animi (cf. xlv. 10), drew with his staff a circle round the king; and bade him give his answer to the Senate before leaving that circle. Antiochus was taken aback at this unexpected demand; but, after a moment's hesitation, he replied, 'I will do what the Senate desires.' Then Popillius took his proffered hand. Antiochus was obliged to evacuate Egypt by a specified day; the Roman legates then took measures to consolidate the peace between the two brothers, and sailing to Cyprus, obliged the forces of Antiochus (which had already obtained a victory over the Egyptian generals) to retire from the island. Both Philometor and Antiochus afterwards sent flattering and complimentary messages to the Senate (Livy xlv. 13). Thus ended Antiochus' third expedition into Egypt.

21. Driver -- "Antiochus' accession. Antiochus was the younger brother of Seleucus Philopator; and, in accordance with the terms of peace conclused by Antiochus the Great with the Romans (p. 175), he had been, for 14 years, one of the Syrian hostages at Rome: Seleucus, in his 12th year had recalled him, sending, to take his place at Rome, his own son Demetrius (a boy aged 11 or 12); and it was while he was at Athens, on his way back to Antioch, that Seleucus was murdered by Heliodorus (above, on v. 20). Heliodorus aspired naturally to the throne, but was thwarted in his designs by Eumenes, king of Pergamum, and his brother, Attalus, who, as Antiochus was proceeding homewards, met him, unsolicited (ἀπαρακλήτως), with great friendliness, supplied him with money and troops, and so enabled him to secure the throne. An inscription has been recently discovered at Pergamum, recording a vote of thanks passed by the people of Antioch to Eumenes and Attalus for the help thus given by them to Antiochus (see p. 205 f.).

21 And in his place shall stand up a contemptible person. Driver -- "Antiochus IV., called 'contemptible' (more lit. despised, Ps. xv. 4 (R.V.), cxix. 141) on account of his character (p. xxxviii f.), perhaps also in intentional opposition to the title 'Epiphanes.' In 1 Macc. i. 10 he is called a 'sinful root.'

21 upon whom had not been conferred the majesty of the kingdom. Driver -- "The phrase, exactly as (in the Heb.) 1 Ch. xxix. 25 ('bestow', lit. put), and Num. xxvii. 20 (A.V., R.V., weakly, 'honour'). The words, taken in conjunction with the two following clauses, imply that Antiochus had not been generally regarded as the heir to the throne, but that he gained it partly by a coup d'état, partly by address. His nephew, Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopator, was the lawful heir; but, as has been just said, he was a child, and also now a hostage at Rome."

21 but he shall come in time of security. Driver -- "i.e. unawares (v. 24, viii. 25).

22-24. Driver -- "General description of Antiochus' characters and dealings. The verses have often (from Jerome onwards) been referred to Antiochus' first Egyptian campaign; but though occurrences in that campaign may be alluded to in them, they cannot, as a whole, be understood naturally as a description of it. Observe also that the 'king of the south' is the for the first time mentioned explicitly in v. 25."

22 And the arms of the flood. Driver -- "fig. for opposing forces. The metaphor is a mixed one: for 'arms,' cf. v. 15; for the fig. of the flood, vv. 10, 26, 40; Is. viii. 8, xxviii. 2, 15; Jer. xlvii 2. The reference is ambiguous: it might of course be the forces of Ptolemy Philometer; but more probably the domestic of other enemies who opposed Antiochus' rise to power are meant. According to Jerome there was a party in Syria which which favoured the claims of Philometer."

22 shall be swept away from before him. Driver -- "he will prevail against them."

22 and also the prince of the covenant. Driver -- "most probably the high-priest, Onias III., who was deposed from his office by Antiochus in 175, and whose death was at least an indirect consequence of action taken by Antiochus (see above, on ix. 26). The words might, however, be also rendered a confederate prince (cf. Gen xiv. 13; Ob. 7; Heb.): the reference would then be to Ptolemy Philometer; but it is an objection to this view that the king of Egypt is regularly throughout the chapter called 'king of the south'; nor are the relations which (so far as we know) subsisted between Antiochus and Philometer such as would be described naturally as a 'covenant' or 'league.'

23 he shall work deceit. Driver -- "he will immediately scheme to overreach his ally. The reference again is ambiguous. The allusion might be specially to Antiochus' insincere friendship with Philometer, or to the manner in which he treated his allies in general."

23 with a little nation. Driver -- "alluding apparently (Bevan) to the partisans of Antiochus, 'by whose help he was able to rise to power and overcome his rivals.'"

24 he shall scatter among them prey and spoil and substance. Driver -- "The allusion is, no doubt, to Antiochus' lavish prodigality, in which he differed from most of the previous Syrian kings ('his fathers,' and 'his fathers' fathers'), who were usually in lack of surplus money. Cf. 1 Macc. iii. 30, 'and he feared that he should not have enough as at other times for the charges and the gifts which he used to give aforetime with a liberal hand, and he abounded above the kings which were before him'; also his liberality at Naukratis (above, p. 180), and the anecdotes of his lavish gifts to boon-companions, and even to strangers, in Polyb. xxvi. 10. 9—10, and Athen. x. 52 (p. 438). He was also very munificent in gifts to cities and temples, and in public shows (Liv. xli. 20, who cites examples). Naturally, the funds for such purposes were obtained largely from the 'prey' and 'spoil' of plundered provinces: cf. 1 Macc. i. 19, 'and he took the spoils of Egypt,' iii. 31 ; Polyb. xxxi. 4. 9 (the cost of the games given by him in rivalry with those of Aem. Paullus in 167, defrayed in part out of the plunder of Egypt).

24 and he shall devise his devices against fortresses. Driver -- "frame warlike plans, -- whether successfully, as against Pelusium and the other placed in Egypt which he secured (cf. 1 Macc. i. 19, of his first campaign in Egypt, 'and they took the strong cities in the land of Egypt'), or unsuccessfully, as against Alexandria (see p. 180): perhaps, more particularly, the latter ('devise,' -- as though ineffectually).

24 but only until the time. Driver -- "until the time fixed, in the counsels of God, as the limit of such enterprises: cf. vv. 27, 35."

25-28. Driver -- "Antiochus' first Egyptian expedition (B.C. 170)."

25 the king of the south. Driver -- "Ptolemy Philometer."

25 a great army ... a very great and mighty army. Driver -- "We have no independent evidence as to the relative size of the Antiochus and Philometer. There is however no reason to suppose that the author would not represent correctly what had taken place only two or three years before he wrote."

25 but he shall not stand, for they shall devise devices against him. Driver -- "In spite of his superior army, Philometer could not maintain the contest, owing to the treachery of his adherents. We cannot say more particularly what is referred to: it is possible that the fortress of Pelusium, and Philometer himself, both fell into Antiochus' hands by treachery."

26 And those who eat of his food. Driver -- "Some of his courtiers will be his ruin. For the expression, cf. 1 Kin. ii. 7, 'those that eat of thy table'; break, as v. 20. The allusion may be to Eulaeus and Lenaeus, at whose ill-advised suggestion it was that Philometer was first led to think of reconquering Syria, and the former of whom, after the battle of Pelusium, persuaded the king to abandon his country. Ptolemy Macron, also, the very capable (Polyb. xxvii. 12) governor of Cyprus (though this was perhaps later), deserted to Antiochus (2 Macc. x. 13)."

26 and his army shall be swept away. By an emendation. The Masoretic Text as it stands reads and his army shall overflow (cf. Driver).

27 And as for both these kings, their hearts shall be to do mischief and they shall speak lies at one table. Driver -- "Antiochus and Philometor, after the latter had fallen into his uncle's hands, were outwardly on friendly terms with one another; but their friendship was insincere, as is expressively shewn by the picture which the writer's words suggest: sitting and eating at one table, they both in fact spoke lies, — Antiochus, in professing disinterestedness, as though his only object were to gain Egypt for his nephew's benefit, (cui regnum quaeri suis viribus simulabat, Livy xlv. 11), and Philometor in feigning that he believed his uncle's assurances, and cherished for him gratitude and regard.

27 but it shall not prosper. Driver -- "The common plan, on which they were supposed to be agreed, the conquest of Egypt, ostensibly for Philometor, in reality for Antiochus."

27 for the end remains yet for the time appointed. Driver -- "Matters will not yet be settled in Egypt: the end of Antiochus' doings there belongs still to a time fixed in the future.

"It must be admitted that some of the references in vv. 25 — 27 (esp. in v. 27) would be more pointed and significant, if they could be supposed to allude to events in the second Egyptian campaign of Antiochus, as well as to events in the first. Upon the chronology adopted above (which is that of most modern historians), this can only be, if the author, neglecting the strict chronological sequence, throws the first two Egyptian campaigns together, and then (v. 28) proceeds to describe the attack upon Jerusalem. We do not, however, possess any continuous narrative of the events of Antiochus' reign; nor does there seem to be any express statement that Antiochus returned to Syria, or even that he left Egypt, at the close of what is described above as his 'first' Egyptian expedition; hence it is possible that Mahaffy is right in his contention that Antiochus' first two campaigns (as they are commonly called) were in reality only two stages in one campaign — the first stage ending at Pelusium, and the second embracing the conquest of Egypt, and both belonging to the year B.C. 170. If this view be adopted, the attack upon Jerusalem (v. 28 ; 1 Macc. i. 20-24) will come at the end of what is called above the 'second' Egyptian expedition (but thrown back now to B.C. 170), and both that and the 'first' Egyptian expedition will be summarized in vv. 25 — 28 and 1 Macc. i. 16—19."

28 he shall return to his own land. Driver -- "In 170, at the close of his 'first' Egyptian campaign,—in whatever sense this may be understood (see on v. 27). The clause anticipates what really took place only after what is described in the two following clauses; and hence, it is repeated, in its proper place, at the end of the verse."

28 with great substance. Driver -- "The 'spoils of Egypt' (1 Macc. i. 19): the word, as vv. 13, 24. Cf. the allusion in Orac. Sib. iii. 614-5."

28 against the holy covenant. Driver -- "Alluding to Antiochus' hostile visit to Jerusalem, in which he 'entered presumptuously into the sanctuary,' and carried away the golden vessels, and other treasures, belonging to the Temple, besides massacring many of the Jews (1 Macc. i. 20—24)."

28 and return to his own land. See 1 Maccabees 1:24; 2 Maccabees 5:21 (Driver).

29. Driver -- "Antiochus' 'third' Egyptian expedition (B.C. 168)."

29 the time appointed. Driver -- "The time fixed in the counsels of God."

29 but it shall not be in the latter time as it was in the former. Driver -- "This expedition will not be as successful as the previous one."

30-39. Driver -- "Antiochus' retreat from Egypt, (v. 30a), and the measures adopted by him shortly afterwards against the Jews (vv. 30b-39)."

30 For ships of Kittim shall come against him. Driver --" The allusion is to C. Popillius Laenas and the other Roman legates, who, as described above (p. 181), obliged Antiochus, when within sight of Alexandria, to withdraw his forces unconditionally from Egypt. Kittim, properly the Kitians, or people of Kitti (in Phoen. Inscriptions כתי), a well-known town in Cyprus, the Greek Kition; hence in the O.T. the name of the inhabitants of Cyprus, Gen. x. 4; Is. xxiii. 1, 12; somewhat more widely, in Jer. ii. 10; Ez. xxvii. 6, 'isles (or coast-lands) of the Kitians,' of the islands and coasts of the Mediterranean Sea. By the later Jews it was used still more generally for any western maritime people (cf. Jos. Ant. 1. i. 1); thus in 1 Macc. i. 1, viii. 5 it denotes the Macedonians, and here 'Kitian ships' means Roman ships (so LXX. καὶ ἤξουσι Ῥωμαῖοι). The expression is suggested by the terms of Balaam's prophecy in Num. xxiv. 24 (where, however, it is not certain what exactly is denoted by it)."

30 and he shall be cowed, and he shall return. Driver -- "'Cowed' (a rare word: Ps. cix. 16, A.V., R.V., badly, 'broken in heart'), viz. by the summary manner in which Popillius treated him. Cf. the terms used by Polyb. (xxix. 11), 'Antiochus accordingly withdrew his forces to Syria, βαρυνόμενος καὶ στένων, εἴκων δὲ τοῖς καιροῖς κατὰ τὸ παρόν'; and Livy 'Obstupefactus tam violento imperio' (the demand of Popillius)."

30 have indignation. Driver -- "A stronger expression than was used in v. 28; and he will this time be incensed against it."

30 and he shall return, and fix his attention on those who. Driver -- "After his return home he will fix his attention upon the apostate Jews, and use them as his agents, for the purpose of carrying out his designs. Shortly before the time of Antiochus there had arisen a party among the Jews, whose object was to Hellenize their nation, and obliterate its distinctive characteristics (1 Macc. i. 11—15, — in v. 15 'and they made themselves uncircumcised, and forsook the holy covenant, and joined themselves to the Gentiles, and sold themselves to do evil'). Jason, the renegade high-priest (see on ix. 26), was one of the leaders of the movement; and he and others obtained Antiochus' sanction and authority to construct in Jerusalem a 'gymnasium,' or exercise-ground, after the Greek model, and introduce other Greek customs. The result was that Greek fashions became popular; even the priests, we read, neglected the services of the Temple for the purpose of amusing themselves in the palaestra. See 1 Macc. i. 11—15, 2 Macc. iv. 4—17."

30 fix his attention on. I have borrowed the wording from Driver. JPS has "have regard to".

31 his forces. Literally, 'arms from him'. Driver -- "The 'arms' are the armed force sent by Antiochus to take possession of Jerusalem (see the next note)."

31 and they shall profane the sanctuary, the stronghold. Driver -- "The Temple at this time was fortified with high walls, which were broken down by the soldiers of Antiochus, but afterwards rebuilt (1 Macc. iv. 60, vi. 7): hence it is called a 'stronghold.' For the facts, see 1 Macc. i. 29ff. Apollonius (2 Macc. v. 24), coming with an armed force, but lulling with friendly words the suspicions of the people, fell upon the city suddenly on a sabbath-day; and having obtained possession of it, took women and children prisoners, demolished many of the houses and fortifications, and strengthening the citadel (which overlooked the Temple), established in it a Syrian garrison. Cf. 1 Macc. i. 34, 36, 37, 'And they put there [in the citadel] a sinful nation [the Syrian garrison], transgressors of the law (ἄνδρας παρανόμους), and they strengthened themselves therein. . . . And it became a place to lie in wait in against the sanctuary (ἔνεδρον τῷ ἁγιάσματι), and an evil adversary unto Israel continually. And they shed innocent blood round about the sanctuary, and defiled the sanctuary' (comp. ii. 12)."

31 and shall take away the continual burnt-offering. Driver -- "Cf. viii. 11, where the expression is similar, and the reference is the same. Apollonius had not been long in possession of Jerusalem when Antiochus, wishing to unify his empire, and to assimilate as far as possible its different parts, determined to bring it all under the influence of Hellenic culture; and accordingly issued in Judah instructions to obliterate every trace of the ancient religion. All the Jewish sacrifices were to be abolished in the Temple; sabbaths and other festivals were to be disregarded; ceremonial observances (such as the prohibition to eat unclean food) were to be discontinued; the rite of circumcision was prohibited, under pain of death; books of the law were to be destroyed, and anyone found with them in his possession was to be punished with death. Special commissioners (ἐπίσκοποι) were appointed for the purpose of carrying out these directions. Not only, however, were Jewish institutions to be thrown aside, heathen ones were to take their place; the Temple was to be transformed into a sanctuary of Zeus Olympios (2 Macc. vi. 2), heathen altars and shrines were to be set up, swine's flesh and unclean beasts were to be sacrificed; and officers were appointed to see that all these injunctions were duly carried out (1 Macc. i. 41—53). The suspension of the Temple services (to which the words of the present verse allude) began in December, B.C. 168, and continued for rather more than three years (see p. 119).

31 and they shall set up the detestable thing that causes appalment. Driver -- "i.e. the heathen altar erected on the altar of burnt-offering. See 1 Macc. i. 54, 'And on the 15th day of Chisleu [December] they builded an abomination of desolation (βδέλυγμα ἐρημώσεως, -- the same expression which is used in the LXX. here) upon the altar,' and (v. 59) 'on the 25th day of the month they sacrificed upon the (idol-) altar (βωμόν), which was upon the altar (of God) (θυσιαστήριον)': cf. also vi. 7. A statue of Zeus Olympios was most probably associated with the altar. On 'causeth appalment,' see on viii. 13; and cf. the parallel passages ix. 27, xii. 11.

"In explanation of the somewhat peculiar expression used, an ingenious and probable suggestion has been made by Nestle (ZATW 1884, p. 248; cf. Bevan, p. 293). The Heb. for 'that causeth appalment' is shо̄mēm (viii. 13, xii. 11), or mĕshо̄mēm (ix. 27, xi. 31); and according to Nestle, the 'abomination that causeth appalment' is a contemptuous allusion to בעל שמים Baʿal shāmayim ('Baal of heaven'), a title occurring often in Phoenician, and (with shāmîn for shāmayim) Aramaic inscriptions, and in the Syriac version of 2 Macc. vi. 3 found actually for the Ζεὺς Ὀλύμπιος of the Greek ; the altar (with probably the accompanying statue of Zeus) erected by Antiochus upon the altar of burnt-offering being termed derisively by the Jews 'the abomination that causeth appalment,' the 'abomination' being the altar (and image?) of Zeus (Baal), and shо̄mēm being a punning variation shāmayim.

32 And such as do wickedly against the covenant. Driver -- "The disloyal Jews."

32 by flatteries. Driver -- "By specious representations, or promises, pointing out for example the advantages that would accrue to those who renounced their Judaism. Cf. the promises held out (1 Macc. ii. 18) to Mattathias ('thou and thy house shall be in the number of the king's friends, and thou and thy sons shall be honoured with silver and gold and many gifts'). Mattathias turned a deaf ear to such inducements; but the prospect of Antiochus' favour might easily influence men who were less staunch in their convictions."

32 but the people that know their god shall show strength. Driver -- "i.e. exhibit firmness, constancy (cf. Deut. xii. 23 'be strong, firm, not to eat the blood'; Josh. i. 7; 1 Ch. xxviii. 7), neither to yield to temptation nor to desert their religion for fear of the consequences. The decree of Antiochus led to numerous martyrdoms, many of the loyal Israelites submitting to death, even with torture, rather than renounce their faith. Cf. 1 Macc. i. 62f. 'And many in Israel were strong (i.e. firm: the Greek word used stands for חזק in 1 Sam. xxx. 6; Ezr. x. 4, and elsewhere), and were fortified (like a strong city, —ὀχυρώθηςαν) in themselves, not to eat unclean things (κοινά). And they chose to die, that they might not be defiled with the meats, nor profane the holy covenant; and they died.'"

33 And those who are wise. Driver -- "As the same word is rendered in A.V. of xii. 3, 10. The verb means properly to shew understanding and discernment, such as may lead a man to act judiciously and bring him success; hence it is sometimes rendered prosper, or have good success, &c. See examples of the word in Josh. i. 7, 8, 1 Sam. xviii. 5, Ps. ii. 10, Prov. x. 5, 19 'he that refraineth his lips sheweth understanding,' i.e. 'acts judiciously,' Is. lii. 13. Here it is used, as a term of approbation, to denote those who, in a time of severe trial, shewed wisdom, by choosing the right course, and strenuously refusing to give up their faith. The name given to the loyal party in the Maccabees is the Hasidaeans, i.e. ḥasîdîm, or 'godly': see 1 Macc. ii. 42, 'Then were gathered together unto them (i.e. unto Mattathias and his friends, who appear to have been the first to assume the aggressive against Antiochus' decree) a company of Hasidaeans (συναγωγὴ Ἁσιδαίων), mighty men out of Israel, every one that offered himself willingly (= מִתְנַדֵּב, Jud. v. 2; 2 Ch. xvii. 16; Neh. xi. 2) for the law. And all they that fled from the evils were added to them, and became a stay unto them'; 1 Macc. vii. 13; 2 Macc. xiv. 6."

33 shall cause the many to understand. "The 'wise' (maskîlîm), the leaders of the patriotic party, will, by their influence and example, teach the masses, especially such as were halting between two opinions, to understand their duty."

33 yet they shall stumble. Driver -- "Alluding to the persecutions and martyrdoms in which many of the loyal Jews perished; see 1 Macc. i. 60, 63, ii. 31—38; 1 Macc. vi. 10, 11, 18—31 (the aged scribe Eleazar), vii. (the mother and her seven sons)."

33 many days. Driver -- "Viz. till an effectual stand was made by the Maccabees."

34. Driver -- "In the midst of their trials a 'little help' will arise, to assist them. The allusion is to the rising of the Maccabees. First of all, Mattathias, either alone or assisted only by his sons, resisted openly Antiochus' demands, and slew one of the officers sent to enforce them (1 Macc. ii. 15—28): then others gradually joined themselves to him, and carried the resistance further (ib. vv. 39—48): finally, after Mattathias' death, his son Judas Maccabaeus carried on the struggle. His first victory was gained over Apollonius, who invaded Judah with a considerable army; and shortly afterwards, Seron, commander of the host of Syria, coming to avenge Apollonius' defeat, was routed with the loss of 800 men, by Judas at the head of a 'small company' (Ἰούδας ... ὀλιγοστός), 1 Macc. iii. 10—24. After this, further successes were gained by Judas over Antiochus' generals Lysias and Gorgias (ib. iii. 38—iv. 35), the result of which was that, by the end of B.C. 165, the Jews recovered possession of Mount Zion, and the Temple was re-dedicated (ib., iv. 36—61). The occasion was celebrated by a festival, lasting eight days (v. 59), which was observed annually afterwards, and is referred to in John x. 22 (τὰ ἐγκαίνια).

34 but many shall join themselves to them with flatteries. Driver -- "Or smooth sayings, i.e., plausible, but insincere, protestations of loyalty. In consequence of the severity shewn by Judas, and the leaders of the patriotic party, many joined them from mere terror, and were ready, if a favourable opportunity offered itself, to turn traitors. On the severity of Judas and the patriots towards the Hellenizing Jews, comp. allusions in 1 Macc. ii. 44, iii. 5a, 8, vi. 21—27, vii. 5—7, 24 (where Judas, it is said, 'took vengeance on the men that had deserted from him'), ix. 23.

35 And some of those who are wise shall stumble, to refine among them [Driver -- "among the people at large], and to purify, and to make white. Driver -- "The martyrdom of some of the godly leaders in the struggle would have the effect of testing the faith of the people at large, and of confirming and perfecting the character of those who were loyal. Cf. xii. 10."

35 to refine. Driver -- "The word means properly to smelt gold or silver ore (or alloy), so as to free the noble metal from impurities; it is then often used figuratively, sometimes of testing, sometimes of purifying, by severe discipline: cf. Is. i. 25, 'and smelt away as with lye thy dross'; Jer. vi. 29, 'in vain the smelter smelteth, for the evil are not separated'; ix. 6 'Behold, I will smelt them, and try them'; Zech. xiii. 9."

35 until the time of the end. Driver -- "The fall of the maskîlîm will continue till the final end of the present order of things (viii. 17), which the author pictures as coinciding with the close of Antiochus' reign (v. 40)."

35 for it is yet for the time appointed. Driver -- "The end has not come yet; it has still to wait for the moment fixed in the counsels of God: cf. v. 27 end.

36—39. Driver -- "The presumptuousness and impiety of Antiochus. Many of the older expositors supposed that at this point there was a transition from Antiochus to the future Antichrist, and that vv. 36—45 related exclusively to the latter; but whatever typical significance might be legitimately considered to attach to the character and career of Antiochus as a whole, it is contrary to all sound principles of exegesis to suppose that, in a continuous description, with no indication whatever of a change of subject, part should refer to one person, and part to another, and that 'the king' of v. 36, and 'the king of the south' of v. 45 should be a different king from the one whose doings are described in vv. 21—35. The fact that traits in the N.T. figure of Antichrist are suggested (apparently) by the description in vv. 36—39, does not authorize the inference that these verses themselves refer to Antichrist (cf. the Introd. p. xcvii).

36 according to his will. Driver -- "As viii. 4, xi. 3 (of Alexander); xi. 16 (of Antiochus the Great)."

36 above every god. Driver -- "Antiochus acquired a reputation for piety among the Greeks by his splendid presents to temples (cf. on v. 24); but by the manner in which he patronized, and selected for honour, particular deities (as Zeus Olympios, or Jupiter Capitolinus), he might be said, especially from an Israelitish point of view, to set himself above them all.

"Antiochus, moreover, assumed divine honours. This is particularly evident, as Babelon has pointed out, on his coins. His best portraits appear to be those on the coins of his early years, which bear simply the inscription 'King Antiochus.' At a later period of his reign a star appears on his forehead, implying that he has assumed divine honours. Then in coins with the legend, 'King Antiochus, God' (or 'God Manifest' [Epiphanes]), the star disappears, but the portrait is idealized, the features approximating in type to those of Apollo. Other coins of the same type exhibit the head surrounded by a diadem with rays,—another mark of divine rank. Lastly, on coins with the legend 'King Antiochus, God Manifest, Victory-bearer,' the head approximates even to that of Zeus Olympios, whose distinctive epithet Νικηφόρος ('Victory- bearer') the king himself assumes. See the accompanying Plate."

36 till the indignation be accomplished. Driver -- "i.e. until God's wrath on Israel has worked itself out."

37 and neither the desire of women, nor any god, shall he regard. Driver -- "The 'desire of women' must, from the context, be the designation of some divinity — most probably (Ewald, Bevan) Tammuz, a celebrated Syrian and Phoenician deity, known to the Greeks as Adonis, whose rites were popular among women.

"Adonis in the legend was a beautiful youth, the dearly loved spouse of Aphroditè, snatched from her by a cruel fate, and bitterly bewailed by her. The festival of Adonis consisted largely in an imitation of the mourning of Aphroditè, and hence was specially observed by women; cf. Ez. viii. 14 (where the prophet sees in vision, in the precincts of the Temple, 'the women weeping for Tammuz'); Jerome on Ez. l. c. 'plangitur a mulieribus quasi mortuus, et postea reviviscens canitur atque laudatur'; Aristoph. Lysistr., 389ff.; and Theocritus' Idyll (xv.) entitled Ἀδωνιάζουσαι, or 'Women keeping festival to Adonis.' According to Hippolytus, Refut. Haer. v. 9, the 'Assyrians' (? Syrians) called him the 'thrice-desired (τριπόθητος ) Adonis': cf. Bion, in his Ἐπιτάφιος Ἀδώνιδος, 11. 24, 58.

37 nor any god. Driver -- "While there were some gods whom Antiochus honoured by erecting to them costly temples, he was ready enough, if in need of funds, to rob other temples of their treasures. Polybius (xxxi. 4. 10) expressly says that he plundered very many temples (ἱεροσυλήκει δὲ καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἱερῶν) in order to obtain money for his extravagances. He made an unsuccessful attempt to pillage a wealthy temple in Persia shortly before his death (ib. xxxi. 11; 1 Macc. vi. 1—4: see below)."

38 But in his place he shall honor the god of strongholds. Driver -- "It is not certain who is meant by the 'god of strongholds': possibly the reference is to some deity (? Mars) of whose worship by Antiochus we have no other notice; more probably, however, the name is simply an alternative designation of Jupiter Capitolinus."

38 and a god whom. Driver -- "No doubt, Zeus or Jupiter (cf. on v. 37). It is true, the first three Seleucidae, as their corns testify, recognized Zeus Olympios,—not, as Behrmann (misunderstanding a sentence of G. Hoffmann, Einige Phön. Inschr., p. 29) states, Zeus Polieus,—as their patron; but Zeus was not, of course, a native Syrian deity."

39 And he shall deal with the strongest fortresses with the help of a foreign god. Driver -- "i.e. will conquer them by his aid. But the Heb. is strange; and the sense obtained connects badly with what follows. Hitz., Meinh., and Bevan, changing a point, render, 'And he shall procure for the fortresses of strongholds the people of a strange god,' supposing the reference to be to the heathen soldiers and colonists settled by Antiochus in the citadel in Jerusalem, and other parts of Judah (1 Macc. i. 33, iii. 36, 45). The rendering 'procure' for אשׂה is, however, not very probable here, 2 Sam. xv. 1, 1 Ki. i. 5, which are quoted in support of it, being hardly parallel. For foreign god(אלוהּ נכר), cf. Gen. xxxv. 4, Jer. v. 19 (אלהי), Ps. lxxxi. 9 (אל).

39 he whom he recognizes, will increase glory. Driver -- "His favorites will be loaded by him with honors. 'Recognize' (הִכִּיר), as Ruth ii. 10 ('take knowledge of'); Jer. xxiv. 5 ('regard').

39 shall cause them to rule over many, and shall divide the land for a price. Driver -- "He will give them posts as governors, and grant them estates--seized, probably, from their rightful owners—for a bribe. An allusion to Antiochns' methods of government, and to the means by which he filled his empty treasuries; perhaps, also, in particular, to renegade Jews who had been thus rewarded for their apostasy. Jason, and after him Menelaus, both purchased the high-priesthood from Antiodius (1 Macc. iv. 8—10, 24); and Bacchides (ib. ix. 25) 'chose out the ungodly men, and made them lords over the country.' No doubt other similar instances were known to the author.

40—45. Driver -- "The end of Antiochus. Antiochus, being attacked by the king of Egypt, will again conduct an expedition into Egypt, passing through Judah on the way; he will gain great successes, till interrupted by rumours from the East and North; and starting from Egypt on a fresh career of conquest and destruction will perish on the way between Jerusalem and the sea-coast. How far the events here described correspond to the reality is a very doubtful point. Our principal authorities mention no expedition into Egypt after the one of B.C. 168. What we know from other sources of the closing events of Antiochus' life is as follows. In 167 B.C. he instituted at Daphne (near Antioch), in rivalry with those just celebrated by Aem. Paullus in Macedonia, a magnificent series of games, lasting 30 days. Soon after this, the Roman Senate, entertaining suspicions of his loyalty, sent Tiberius Gracchus to ascertain whether their suspicions were well-founded. Antiochus shewed himself quite master of the situation. He "received Tiberius so dexterously and amicably (οὕτως ἐπιδεξίας καὶ φιλοφρόνως) that the latter not only suspected no designs on his part, and could detect no trace of hostility on the score of what had happened at Alexandria, but even condemned those who made such allegations, on account of the extreme courtesy of his reception. For, besides other things, he gave up his palace, and almost even his crown, to the ambassadors, at least in appearance; for in reality, he was anything but prepared to make concessions to the Romans, and was, in fact, as hostile to them as possible" (Polyb. xxxi. 5). Although, however, Tiberius was satisfied of Antiochus' sincerity, the suspicions of the Senate were not allayed: for reports reached it from other quarters that he was conspiring secretly with Eumenes of Pergamum against the Romans (Polyb. xxxi. 4—6, 9). In 166 he started on the expedition, in the course of which he met his death. Leaving Lysias to take charge of his provinces between Egypt and the Euphrates and to carry on the contest with Judas Maccabaeus, he crossed the Euphrates in this year for the East (1 Macc. iii. 31—37),—according to vv. 28—31, because he was in need of funds, and intended 'to take the tributes of the countries, and to gather much money,' according to the condensed statement in Tac. Hist. v. 8 to war against the Parthians. It was probably on this expedition that he subjugated Artaxias, king of Armenia, who had revolted (Diod. Sic. xxxi. 17 a, App. Syr. 45). While in Elymais (E. of Babylonia) he attempted unsuccessfully to pillage a temple; and soon afterwards died, after a short illness, at Tabae in Persia (N. of Susa),—according to Polybius (xxxi. 11), 'becoming mad (δαιμονήσας), as some say,' in consequence of certain supernatural tokens of the anger of heaven on account of his attempted sacrilege, according to 1 Macc. vi. 5—16 through disappointment and grief at hearing of the successes of the Jews against Lysias (in 2 Macc. ix., the story of his death is told with legendary additions).

"Porphyry, however, as reported by Jerome in his notes on these verses, does speak of a fourth Egyptian expedition of Antiochus. He says that Antiochus invaded Egypt in his 11th year, passing through Judaea on the way, but not molesting Edom, Moab, and the Ammonites, lest the delay should give Ptolemy time to strengthen his forces; that while fighting in Egypt he was recalled by reports of wars in the North and East; that he accordingly returned, captured Arvad (in Phoenicia), and ravaged Phoenicia, and afterwards proceeded to the East against Artaxias, that, having defeated him, he fixed his tent at a place called Apedno, between the Tigris and the Euphrates, and finally that, after his attempted sacrilege in Persia, he died of grief at Tabae (as stated above). It is true, our accounts of Antiochus' reign are incomplete, there being large gaps, especially in the parts of both Polybius and Livy which would naturally have contained particulars of his closing years. It is true also that, being, as Polybius tells us, unfiriendly to the Romans, he might well have planned another campaign against their ally, Ptolemy. But it is remarkable that no hint of any conquest (v. 43) of Egypt at this time has come down to us except through Jerome, the more so, since, as Prof. Bevan has remarked (p. 164), Egypt was now under Roman protection, so that an attack upon the country must at once have produced a war with Rome. The statement respecting the wealth of Antiochus in v. 43, also conflicts with what we know independently respecting his great financial difficulties at the time. And when the account given by Porphyry is examined more closely, it is seen (except in the particulars which we know already from other sources) to be strongly open to the suspicion of being derived from these verses of Daniel. Apart from the statements that it took place in his 11th year (which, as it must have been shortly before his death, was a date easy to fix), and that Arvad was captured by him, it contains nothing which could not have been inferred from the language of Daniel, and indeed is couched largely in the expressions used by Daniel. And the mention of Apedno as the place where he pitched his tent, is based obviously upon a misunderstanding of the Hebrew word found in v. 45. While, therefore, we are not in a position to deny categorically a fourth Egyptian campaign, the probabilities are certainly against it. Most likely the author draws here an imaginative picture of the end of the tyrant king, similar to the ideal one of the ruin of Sennacherib in Is. x. 28—32: he depicts him as successful where he had previously failed, viz. in Egypt; while reaping the spoils of his victories, he is called away by rumours from a distance; and then, just after he has set out on a further career of conquest and plunder, as he is approaching with sinister purpose the Holy City, he meets his doom."

40 at the time of the end. Driver -- "The final close of Antiochus' reign. The expression denotes a period later than that of the persecutions described in v. 35, which are to last 'until the time of the end.'

40 the king of the south. Driver -- "would still be Ptolemy Philometer."

40 and the king of the north. Driver -- "Antiochus will come against him like a whirlwind (for the figure, cf. Hab. iii. 14), with a vast armament."

40 and with many ships. Driver -- "Antiochus possessed a navy, which in his expeditions against Egypt of B.C. 170-168 he used with good effect (cf. p. 180)."

40 enter into the countries. Driver -- "those viz. in his line of march."

40 overflow, as he passes through. Driver -- "like a flood (as v. 10)."

41 the beauteous land. Driver -- "The land of Israel, as v. 16."

41 shall be overthrown. Driver -- "Lit. shall stumble (vv. 14, 19, 33, 35), i.e. be ruined: cf., for the expression, Is. iii. 8 'Jerusalem hath stumbled' (A.V., R.V., is ruined). The word for 'many' is fem.: hence 'countries' must be understood from v. 40, though it is, of course, their inhabitants who are really meant. Bevan, Behrmann, Marti, Kamph., and Prince (with the change of a point) read 'tens of thousands shall be overthrown' (cf. v. 12).

"Some countries will, however, escape; in particular, three of Israel's ancient foes, of whom at least Edom and the Ammonites shewed hostility against the Jews at this time (cf. 1 Macc. iv. 61, v. 1-8). Jason, the renegade high-priest, twice found an asylum with the Ammonites (2 Macc. iv. 26, v. 7)."

41 the chief of. Driver -- "i.e. the principal part of them. Cf., for the word, Num. xxiv. 20; Jer. xlix. 35; Am. vi. 1."

42 stretch forth his hand. Driver -- "viz. to seize them: see Ex. xxii. 8 ('put forth his hand upon'), where the verb in the Heb. is the same.

42 shall not escape. Driver -- "i.e. shall have none to escape; lit. shall not become an escaping body (Gen. xxxii. 8 [9 Heb.]).

43 have power. Driver -- "Lit. rule. He will secure great treasure from Egypt: cf. (in 170 or 169) 1 Macc. i. 19."

43 and the Libyans and the Ethiopians shall be at his steps. Driver -- "i.e. will follow in his train. The Libyans, on the W. of Egypt, and the Kushites (or Ethiopians) on the South, are both mentioned either as helping the Egyptians, or as serving in their army, in Nah. iii. 9, the Ethopians also in Jer. xlvi. 9 (cf. Ez. xxx. 4, 5). Here they are represented as joining the army of the conquerer."

44 But tidings. Driver -- "or rumours, as the same word is rendered in 2 Ki. xix. 7 (=Is. xxxvii. 7), of the tidings which caused Sennacherib to withdraw. So Jer. li. 46; Ez. vii. 26. Lit. something heard. Here, probably, rumours of insurrections, or wars, in the E. and N. of his dominions."

44 _and he shall go forth". Driver -- "out of Egypt."

44 to destroy and to utterly do away with many. Driver -- "Lit. 'and to ban (or devote) many.' The word, which means properly to set apart, seclude, is used primarily of the ban laid upon persons or objects hostile to Israel's religion (Ex. xxii. 20; Deut. ii. 34, vii. 2, 25, 26; Josh. vi. 17—19, &c.): as this involved generally their destruction, it is often rendered in A.V. utterly destroy (so also in R.V., when applied to persons), though, of course, this rendering expresses only a secondary idea. 'In the present late passage, however, as in 2 Ch. xx. 23, it is simply a synonym for destroy."

45 plant. Driver -- "As a tree: fig. for fix. A late usage: cf. Eccl. xii. 11; and see Levy, NHWB. iii. 380."

45 the tents of his palace. Driver -- "the large and sumptuous tent, or collection of tents, which would form naturally the headquarters of an oriental king. The word for 'palace' (appéden) occurs only here in the O.T.: it is a Persian word, denoting properly a large hall or throne-room (see on viii. 1). From Persian it passed into Aramaic,—it is used in the Targ. of Jer. xliii. 10 of the 'royal pavilion' which Nebuchadnezzar was to erect in Egypt,—and occurs frequently in Syriac in the sense of 'palace.' The present passage shews that it passed similarly into late Hebrew.

45 between the seas and the beauteous holy mountain. Driver -- "between the Mediterranean Sea (for the poet. plur., see Jud. v. 17, Deut. xxxiii. 19) and the hill of Zion; 'holy mountain,' as Ps. ii. 6, and frequently; 'beauteous' as vv. 16, 41.

45 and he shall come to his end. Driver -- "Antiochus died actually at Tabae in Persia. It is certainly not said here in so many words that he should meet his end at the spot on which his royal tent was to be pitched; but the connexion between the two parts of the verse naturally implies it: Antiochus is to meet his death in Palestine, the country in which he had committed his greatest crimes, and which he was even now threatening to invade and ravage again. Other prophets also represent the powers hostile to Israel as defeated in proximity to Jerusalem: cf. Ez. xxxix. 4, Joel iii. 2, 12f., Zech. xiv. 2.

The base text, which I have adapted for my purposes, is the 1917 Jewish Publication Society Version.

Driver, S. R. (1900). Daniel.

NOAB, here, stands for the New Oxford Annotated Bible, Fully Revised Fourth Edition, ed. Michael D. Coogan, 2010.

A useful book for learning about the Hellenistic Age in Judea is The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume II, edited by W. D. Davies and L. Finkelstein (1989). Of particular use for comparison to Daniel 11 is one of the chapters by Martin Hengel, "The Political and Social History of Palestine from Alexander to Antiochus III (333-187 B.C.E.)", pp. 35-78.

1-3. Driver -- "There should be no break here: xii. 1—4 forms the concluding part of the angel's revelation to Daniel; and what is described in vv. 1—3 forms the immediate sequel of the fall of Antiochus. The overthrow of the world-power is pictured by the author as accompanied by a season of trial — perhaps political convulsions — out of which, however, the faithful among God's people are delivered; a resurrection of Israelites follows; and the age of bliss then begins for the righteous."

1 Michael ... the great prince. Driver -- "i.e. the patron-angel of Israel (x. 13, 21).

1 stand up. Driver -- "as champion and defender (xi. 1; cf. x. 13). Hitherto the power of the 'prince' of Greece has been unchecked: now Michael interposes, for his people's final deliverance.

1 stands for. Driver -- "i.e. protects (Est. viii. 11, ix. 16)."

1 a time of trouble. Driver -- "The expression seems borrowed from Jeremiah xxx. 7 (where also Israel is spoken of as 'saved from it')."

1 such as never was since, etc. Driver -- "cf. Ex. ix. 18, 24, Joel ii. 2, Mark xiii. 19 (|| Matth. xxiv. 21).

1 shall be delivered. Driver -- "The period of deliverance here spoken of is the same as the period of redemption described in vii. 18, 26, 27, ix. 24."

1 written in the book. Driver -- "of life, the register of the living: in Ps. lxix. 28 (cf. lxxxvii. 6, Ex. xxxii. 32) applied to the register of living members of the Theocratic community, which God is represented as keeping. Here, however, the expression is used, not of those living in the present life, but of those destined to share in the glorious life of the end; it is the 'register of the citizens of the Messianic kmgdom' (Hitz.), including both those who enter it while yet living, and those (v. 2) who enter it after their resurrection. Cf. Is. iv. 3, where those who are worthy to survive the approaching judgement are described as 'written down unto life [i.e. a glorified, but still earthly life] in Jerusalem.' The same figure occurs in Enoch xlvii. 3 ('the books of the living were opened before Him'), cviii. 3 (the names of the wicked 'will be blotted out of the book of life, and out of the books of the holy ones'); and, applied in a Christian sense, in Phil. iv. 3, Rev. iii. 5, xiii. 8, xvii. 8, xx. 12, 15, xxi. 27; cf. Luke x. 20, Heb. xii. 23, Enoch civ. 1 ('your names are written before the glory of the Great One').

2. The resurrection. The doctrine of a future life is not fully developed in the O.T.; it is nascent; and the stages in its growth are clearly distinguishable. The idea of a resurrection appears first, though in a national, not in an individual sense, in Hos. vi. 2: it appears next, also in a national sense (see Davidson's note, p. 267), in Ezekiel's famous vision of the Valley of dry bones (xxxvii. 1—14): the resurrection of individuals appears first in the post-exilic prophecy of Is. xxiv.—xxvii., viz. xxvi. 19 (see Skinner's note), though, as in Ezek. (xxxvii. 11), it is still expressly limited to Israel (it is denied, v. 14, of Israel's foes): in the present passage, a resurrection of the wicked, as well as of the righteous, is taught for the first time, and the doctrine of a different future reserved for each is also for the first time enunciated. See further the Introd. p. xcii.

2 many. Driver -- "The resurrection is still limited implicitly to Israel. It is not said who are to compose the 'many': perhaps the author thinks in particular of the martyrs, and apostates, respectively, who, on the one side or the other, had been prominent during the reign of Antiochus.

2 sleep. Driver -- "in death: cf. Jer. li. 39, 57 ; 1 Thess. iv. 14, v. 10."

2 in the dust of the ground. "lit. the ground of dust. The expression is peculiar, and occurs only here. 'Dust' is often said of the grave, as to 'lie down upon the dust' (Job xx. 11, xxi. 26), and 'they that go down to the dust' (Ps. xxii. 29)."

2 shall awake. Driver -- "cf., in the same sense, Is. xxvi. 19; also (where it is denied) Job xiv. 12, and (of the Babylonians) Jer. li. 39, 57."

2 some to everlasting life. Driver -- "The expression occurs only here in the O.T., but it is frequent in post-Biblical Jewish writings: e.g. in Enoch (xxxvii. 4, xl. 9, lviii. 3, lxii. 14); Psalms of Sol. iii. 16 (cf. xiii. 9); 4 Macc. xv. 3 (cf. 2 Macc. vii. 9, 36); and in the Targums (in which passages of the O.T. relating really to the present life are often interpreted as referring to a future life). A more common synonym is 'the life of the age to come' (חיי העולם הבא), Aboth ii. 7, &c. (Dalman, Die Worte Jesu, p. 129)."

2 some to reproaches and everlasting abhorrence. Driver -- "the last word (only once besides) from Is. lxvi. 24 'And they [the carcases of the transgressors, slain outside Jerusalem] shall be an abhorring unto all flesh.' Cf. in the N.T., Matt. xxv. 46; John v. 29."

3. Driver -- "Those who in the time of trial had by example and precept preserved many in righteousness and faith, will then receive their reward."

3 those who are wise. Driver -- "The words do not mean the 'wise' generally, but those mentioned in xi. 33, 35 (the word being the same which is there used), men like Mattathias (1 Macc. ii.), the staunch and firm leaders of the loyal Jews, during Antiochus' persecutions. These 'are distinguished from the rest of the faithful Israelites—they not only live for ever, but are eternally glorified' (Bevan). Cf. Enoch civ. 2 ('Be hopeful: for aforetime ye were put to shame through ills and affliction; but soon ye will shine as the stars of heaven, ye will shine and ye will be seen, and the portals of heaven will be opened to you'); Matt, xiii. 43."

3 those who turn the many to righteousness. Driver -- "The expression, as Is. liii. 11, 'by his knowledge shall my righteous servant make the many righteous.* In neither case is the verb to be understood in the later technical sense of 'justify ': the meaning, in both cases, is to lead to righteousness by teaching—in Is. liii. by instruction in the ways and will of God ('by his knowledge'), here by warning, exhortation, and example of constancy (cf. xi. 33 'shall make the many to understand')."

4. Driver -- "The closing injunction to Daniel."

4 shut up, etc. Driver -- "The injunction is similar to that in viii. 26."

4 until the time of the end. Driver -- "i.e. (viii. 17) the time of Antiochus' persecution, regarded from the standpoint of Daniel himself. The words are meant to explain why the visions in the book, though communicated to Daniel, were not made generally known until the time of the persecution. Cf. on viii. 26; and contrast Rev. xxii. 10."

4 many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased. Driver -- "A famous passage, prefixed by Bacon in its Latin form (Multi pertransibunt, et multiplex erit scientia) to the first edition of his Novum Organum, and interpreted by him (1. 93) as signifying that the complete exploration of the world (pertransitus mundi), which seemed to him to be then on the point of accomplishment, would coincide with great discoveries in science (augraenta scientiarum). This explanation of the words is, however, unhappily, too foreign to their context to be probable. But it must be admitted that the words are enigmatic. The verb rendered run to and fro occurs elsewhere, Jer. v. 1, Am. viii. 12 (of literal movement hither and thither); Zech. iv. 10, 2 Ch. xvi. 9 (of Jehovah's eyes, present in every part of the earth); and the sense generally given to the passage is that many will then run to and fro in the book, i.e. diligently explore and study it, and so the knowledge of God's providential purposes, to be obtained from it,—how, for instance, He tries, but at the same time rewards, His own faithful servants, and how the course of human history leads ultimately to the establishment of His kingdom,—will be increased."

"The text, it must be owned, is open to suspicion. Prof. Bevan making a slight change (הרעת for הדעת), in a sense suggested by the LXX., obtains the rendering 'many shall run to and fro (viz. in distraction), and evils (calamities) shall be increased,' i.e. the revelation is to remain concealed, because there is to ensue a long period of commotion and distress. For the thought of the emended clause, he compares 1 Macc. i. 9 (of the wars and other troubles brought upon the world by the Seleucidae and the Ptolemies) 'and they multiplied evils in the earth.'"

12:5-13. Driver -- "Conclusion. The revelation (xi. 2 — xii. 4) is ended; but nothing has been said about the duration of the troubles foretold in it. And yet, to those living in the midst of them, this was a question of vital interest. Daniel accordingly asks, and receives, specific information on this point (v. 6ff.)."

5 another two. Driver -- "i.e. (as we should now say) two others, in addition, viz. to the glorious being, whom Daniel saw (x. 5, 6), and who had been speaking to him since (x. 11—14, 19, x. 20—xii. 4)."

5 river (twice). Driver -- "Heb. yě’ōr, an Egyptian word, elsewhere in the O.T. the regular name of the Nile (Ex. ii. 3, &c.), but here and in vv. 6, 7, denoting the Tigris (see x. 4). The proper force of the word must have been forgotten; and it must be used in the general sense of stream."

6 And one i.e. one of the angels just mentioned, whom Daniel hears speaking (cf. viii. 13).

6 the man clothed in linen. Driver -- "The glorious figure described more fully in x. 5, 6."

6 the wonders. Driver -- "or extraordinary things, viz. the extraordinary trials and sufferings described in xi. 31—30 (cf. the same expression, with regard to the deeds, or words, of Antiochus, in viii. 24 and xi. 36).

7. Driver -- "The answer to the inquiry, given with solemn emphasis, and overheard by Daniel."

7 and he lifted up, etc. Driver -- "The lifting up of the (right) hand implied an appeal to heaven, and is frequently mentioned as a gesture accompanying an oath: Gen. xiv. 22; and (with another Heb. word for lift up) Ex. vi. 8, Deut. xxxii. 40, Ez. xx. 5 al. Of an angel, as here, Rev. x. 5."

7 and his left hand. Driver -- "both hands, as the more complete guarantee of the truth of what is about to be affirmed."

7 by him who lives forever. Driver -- "cf. Rev. x. 6. The usual form of oath in the O.T. is '(As) Jehovah liveth' (e.g. Jud. viii. 19), or (in God*s mouth) '(As) I live,' — once (Deut. xxxii. 40) '(As) I live for ever.' The formula here used seems to be based upon the last-cited passage: comp. also 'him that liveth for ever' in Dan. iv. 34."

7 for a time, times, and a half. Driver -- "i.e. 3½ years, to be reckoned, probably, as was explained on vii. 25 (where the same expression occurs), from the mission of Apollonius in the middle of B.C. 168 to the re-dedication of the Temple in Dec. 165."

7 and as they finish shattering the power of the holy people Driver -- "alluding to the persecution of Antiochus.

"'Power' is lit. hand, figurative of power to act, strength: cf. Deut. xxxii. 36, 'for he saw that power (lit. hand) was gone'; Is. xxxvii. 27, 'their inhabitants- were of small power' (lit. short of hand), &c. To shatter the hand is an obvious figure for reducing to helplessness."

7 all these things shall he finished. Driver -- "The end of what has been foretold (vv. 31—36) will coincide with the end of the persecution.

"The Heb. of the last clause but one is however unusual: and the definition given of the end of the persecution seems almost tautologous. Hence Bevan and Marti, transposing two words, and changing the punctuation, read, 'and as the power of the shatterer of the holy people cometh to an end [or, 'as the hand (cf. vii. 25)...faileth (Ps. lxxi. 9)'], all these things shall be finished,' i.e. Antiochus is to be the last oppressor of all, when his power has ceased, the sufferings of the holy people will be ended for ever."

8—13. Driver -- "The answer was far from explicit, so that Daniel did not understand it: he accordingly asked for more definite particulars."

8 what shall be the closing stage of these things? Driver -- "i.e. what will be the closing stage of the 'wonders,' or extraordinary sufferings, of v. 6, which may serve as a sign that the actual 'end' is not far off? 'End' here is in the Heb. אחרית, a different word from 'end' in v. 6 (קץ), and means not the absolute close of a thing, but the closing or latter part of it: see Job viii. 7, xlii. 12 ('latter end')."

9 Go your way, Daniel, &c. Driver -- "i.e. do not inquire further: for the words are shut up and sealed (v. 4) till the time of the end: if Daniel does not understand them, it does not signify; they are not intended for him, but for readers in a distant future, viz. in the age of Antiochus Epiphanes, when they will first be divulged."

10. Driver -- "The 'time of the end' characterized: it will be an age of trial and probation, in which many will come out purified and ennobled, while others will only have their wickedness confirmed.

10 Many shall purify themselves, and make themselves white, and be refined. Driver -- "by their sufferings, and their constancy under temptation, their characters will be ennobled and refined (cf. xi. 35). The two reflexives are not to be pressed unduly; but they imply that the martyrs, by their deliberate acceptance of suffering, are, to a certain degree, the agents in the purification of their characters."

10 but the wicked shall do wickedly. Driver -- "The trial will have no effect upon them, beyond giving them further opportunities of doing wickedly, and so confirming them in their wickedness."

10 none of the wicked shall understand. Driver -- "i.e. act with understanding".

10 but they that he wise shall understand. Driver -- "shall act with understanding. The wicked act blindly, not perceiving the consequences of their wickedness; the 'wise,' the religious teachers of the nation (the same word as in v. 3, xi. 33, 35), shew insight into the ways and providence of God. For 'understand,' cf. Ps. xlix. 20, lxxxii. 5, Hos. iv. 14."

11, 12. Driver -- "The duration of the persecution defined."

11 that the continual burnt-offering shall be taken away. Driver -- "as xi. 31; cf. viii. 11."

11 and the detestable thing that causes appalment set up. Driver -- "also as xi. 31 (cf. viii. 13, ix. 27): see the notes on these passages."

11 a thousand two hundred and ninety days Driver -- "the terminus a quo is 15 Chisleu [Dec.], B.C. 168 (1 Macc. i. 54); and 1290 days, reckoned from this date, would end in June—according to Cornill, Siebzig Wochen, p. 29, on June 6—B.C. 164. The death of Antiochus took place in the course of B.C. 164: the exact date of it is not known; but it is not improbable that it is pictured by the writer as synchronizing with the end of the 1290 days."

12 Happy is the one waits, and comes to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days. Driver -- "Happy is he who waits (cf. Is. xxx. 18, 'happy are all they that wait for him,' lxiv. 4), not giving up his trust in Jehovah, for 45 days (=1½ month) beyond the 1290 days mentioned in v. 11. Why this further limit is assigned, it is impossible to say with any certainty. All that can be said is that the turning-point (whatever it may have been), marked by the close of the 1290 days, was not pictured by the author as introducing at once the period of complete blessedness—this he did not conceive as beginning for 45 days afterwards. What he imagined as the cause of the postponement must remain matter of speculation: if the 1290 days are rightly interpreted as ending with the death of Antiochus, he may have thought, for instance, that its full effects would not appear at once, and that true rest would not begin for the Jews till after a short interval more."

13. Driver -- "After indicating (vv. 11, 12) the duration of the persecution, the angel turns to Daniel; and the book closes with a word of consolation addressed to him personally. He is to await the 'end' in the grave, from which, in the resurrection spoken of in v. 2, he will arise to take his appointed place, beside the other saints."

13 But you, go your way till the end. Driver -- "i.e. depart to await the end. (As in v. 9, there is nothing in the Heb. corresponding to 'thy way.')"

13 and thou shalt rest. Driver -- "in the grave, Is. lvii. 2". and stand up to your lot'. Driver -- "to thy appointed portion or place: 'lot' being used in a figurative sense, as in Jud. i. 3, Ps. cxxv. 3, and in the N.T. Acts xxvi. 18, Col. i. 12 (in both which passages 'inheritance' is properly 'lot' [κλῆπος]')."

13 at the end of the days. Driver -- "the extreme end of the present period,—i.e., reckoned from Daniel's standpoint, the period ending with the fall of Antiochus,—when the resurrection of v. 2 will take place, and the age of never-ending blessedness (v. 3) will begin."

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The base text from which the translation has been made is the 1917 JPS translation, which I have then altered were necessary to suit the goals of this project.

Driver, S. R. (1900). Daniel.

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